The House Freedom Caucus, once the most feared band of conservative lawmakers in Washington, is now facing a quieter future. For a decade, the group defined itself by rebellion. Its members challenged Republican leadership, threatened government shutdowns, and prided themselves on saying no when others caved. Today, under President Trump’s second administration, the caucus is increasingly aligned with him. While this alignment has brought the caucus major policy victories, it has also reduced the group’s influence, leading critics to suggest that its purpose may be fading.
From Confrontation to Cooperation
When the Freedom Caucus was founded in 2015, it was during a Republican battle with President Obama. Members such as Jim Jordan and Mark Meadows insisted that the GOP was not conservative enough and made it their mission to pull the party further to the right. They shut down spending bills, opposed debt increases, and often made life miserable for Republican speakers like John Boehner and later Paul Ryan.
Today the group takes a different approach. Rep. Chip Roy of Texas explained that when the president is on the same page as the caucus, there is little reason to fight. “With Trump aligned with the group on many core issues, why aren’t you going to ride that wave? Of course you are,” he said. That attitude shows why the Freedom Caucus has been more willing to compromise and why it has voted for short-term spending bills it once called irresponsible.
Rep. Andy Harris, the current caucus chairman, has even defended this change. “I used to tell people all CRs are not alike when the alternative is increasing spending,” Harris said, referring to continuing resolutions. He emphasized that the caucus is “always pushing to make sure we maximize our spending reductions.”
Critics see this as a collapse of principle. Former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, who lost his job in part because of Freedom Caucus revolts, mocked the group as the “House Collapse Caucus.” He said, “They always talked about they’re going to hold the line at something, and within 24 hours, they fold. They don’t have a principle to hold. They try to just be personalities.”
Policy Wins and the Trump Effect
Members of the caucus reject the charge that they have abandoned their values. They argue that Trump has delivered much of what they long fought for. Rep. Eric Burlison of Missouri responded sharply to critics who said the caucus had become too compliant. “To say that we didn’t get anything is ridiculous,” he said. “Look at where the bill moved, how much it moved, and how we fought all along the way.”
Roy pointed to victories in Trump’s tax and spending package. “I decided I’m getting $1.6 trillion, I’m getting Medicaid, I’m getting Green New Scam subsidies, about 10 other things that are really good. At the end of the day that was, to me, enough,” he said. While the Congressional Budget Office projects the bill will add to the deficit, caucus members credit themselves with forcing changes such as work requirements for benefits and the elimination of some clean-energy credits.
Yet the difference between fiery rhetoric and eventual votes has not gone unnoticed. Rep. Dave Joyce, an Ohio Republican, commented that the caucus often seems to argue for the sake of being seen. “It would seem that the arguments now are more to be seen, than actually be heard,” he said.
High-Profile Exits
The caucus is also shrinking in visibility. Several of its most outspoken members are leaving to pursue higher office. Roy is running for Texas attorney general. Barry Moore of Alabama is seeking a Senate seat. Andy Biggs of Arizona, Byron Donalds of Florida, and Ralph Norman of South Carolina are all running for governor. Others, such as Tom Tiffany of Wisconsin, are considering statewide campaigns.
This wave of departures follows the path of earlier members who used the caucus as a springboard to bigger roles. Ron DeSantis left Congress to run for governor of Florida in 2018. Mark Meadows became Trump’s White House chief of staff in 2020. Mick Mulvaney also joined Trump’s administration, serving as budget director and acting chief of staff.
A current Freedom Caucus lawmaker admitted that the exodus could change the group’s character. Speaking anonymously, he said that some of the more attention-seeking members who “hijacked” the caucus would be gone. He described Roy as “an intelligent guy” but “a total freaking pain in the ass.” Roy brushed off the insult, saying he considered it a “badge of honor.”
Trump’s Grip on the Caucus
The group’s closeness to Trump has not only reshaped its behavior but also defined its leadership. When former chairman Bob Good endorsed Ron DeSantis for president during the 2024 primaries, Trump quickly backed a challenger who defeated him. This sent a clear message that loyalty to Trump outweighs any other principle within the caucus.
Roy, who also supported DeSantis at the time, has since emphasized his work alongside Trump. In his campaign for attorney general, he boasted, “That’s why I fought to secure our border and help President Trump deliver results.” Other members have echoed this theme, portraying themselves as conservative fighters who can now carry their battles into state leadership roles.
The Future of the Freedom Caucus
What comes next for the Freedom Caucus is uncertain. Some, like Roy, insist that the group’s future is strong. “It’s got a lot of new blood and fresh members actively involved in the fights,” he said. He argued that the caucus “goes deeper than any one individual” and that its legacy ensures it will continue to matter.
But others see decline ahead. Don Bacon, a centrist Republican from Nebraska, said some caucus members “have undermined the speaker at every step and divided the team.” In his view, “Teams that work together get much more done and win.” For him and others, the departures of some of the caucus’s most combative voices might actually improve harmony in Congress.
The caucus is likely to replenish itself with new members after the 2026 elections, especially in red states where Republicans expect to gain seats through redistricting. Younger lawmakers such as Brandon Gill of Texas and Eric Burlison of Missouri are already seen as rising figures. Still, the group may never regain the aura of disruption that once defined it.
A Victory That Weakens the Cause
In the end, the Freedom Caucus may be a victim of its own success. The issues it once fought for—spending cuts, tougher immigration enforcement, skepticism of federal power—are now central to the Trump administration’s agenda. As Rep. Burlison put it, “Our ships are going in the same direction.”
That reality has made the caucus less distinct. It is no longer the gadfly tormenting Republican leaders but a supporting actor in Trump’s broader political movement. For some members, that is enough. For others, it raises the question of whether the caucus has a purpose at all.
What is clear is that the Freedom Caucus has shaped Republican politics for a decade. But having won so much of what it wanted through Trump, the group’s role may now be smaller than ever. Its legacy will live on, but its days as the Capitol’s most feared faction may be behind it.
NP Editor: The Freedom Caucus is more or less irrelevant at the moment, considering that Trump agrees with them on most points. If a Republican is elected in 2028, we predict that the Freedom Caucus will disappear, perhaps to be reinvented the following decade.
